After President Trump referred to the Deep State in one of his November tweets, it’s officially no longer a conspiracy theory.

The Deep State consists of people inside national governments that serve interests of the foreign governments and non-governmental agents, hurting the national interests of their own countries. Mike Lofgren  in  his books “The Deep State: The Fall of the Constitution and the Rise of a Shadow Government” gives a definition of the term “the deep state” that was coined in Turkey and is said to be a system composed of high level elements within the intelligence services, military, security, judiciary and organized crime. They are effectively govern countries with a limited or no concern of the governed that are normally expressed through elections and other mechanisms of public control.

However, it’s a misnomer to call this organization a state, since it doesn’t have a national base.  It’s also somewhat incorrect to say that the Deep State agents serve foreign governments, since they service only interests of their supra-national organization and themselves.

The formula of the Deep State operating in Russia is very simple. Take for example a commonly agreed upon view that the United States economy is in trouble, and that its society is going through a rough patch. To sidetrack its population from focusing on real domestic problems, the US media and politicians invented the “Russian threat” and started a war on Russia’s economy. Any adequate Russian would do everything to help the country economically and politically, in order for him/her and all other people in the country to live better. After all, we Russians are all in one boat. The deep  stater says: “We have to take what Russia has and to give it to the U.S., so they would live better.”

The trick is that wealth stolen from other countries is not going to improve life in the US, but going straight into the pockets of the Deep State members and their supporting class, an international clout of journalists, experts, think tankers, mercenaries, private government contractors, film makers, scientists, bankers and such.

To take a peek at inner workings of the Deep State, let’s compare two diplomatic reports.

First was generated by the US Embassy in Russia on April 21 2009. It describes the meetings of CODEL Levin with the Russian Federation Council International Relations Committee Chair Mikhail Margelov. Second report was generated two weeks later. It outlines the meetings with CODEL Levin with the Polish Prime Minister’s chief of staff, the President’s deputy national security advisor, and the speaker of the Polish parliament.

CODEL Short for “Congressional Delegation”, and defined as a trip abroad by a member or members of Congress.

At the time, Carl Milton Levin was a United States Senator from Michigan who served from 1979 to 2015. He was the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Armed Services and a member of the Democratic Party.

Mikhail Margelov, a Chair for the Council International Relations Committee at the time, was a son of a former KGB general, who did very well during the Liberal Terror of the Yeltsin’s administration. He started as the head of publicity for the opposition Yabloko party, switched ahead of the 1996 presidential election to President Boris Yelstin and worked for the Yelstin re-election campaign. He then ran PR for the government, before getting a job with a news agency. When Vladimir Putin was making his first run for president in 2000, Margelov was in charge of foreign media during the election campaign.

Margelov visited Libya several times prior to an anti-government revolt there. On 20 October 2011, the day when Kaddafi was announced to be killed, Margelov made a somewhat bizarre statement that the Libyan war can go on without Gaddafi.

Two weeks after, Margelov was awarded the Woodrow Wilson Award “for service to humanity” and to the international community.

Throughout his political carrier, Mergalov was an avid collector of houses and apartments. Margelov’s American real estate holdings back in 2013 are listed here.

Margelov abruptly resigned in July of 2014 as a representative for the Pskov region, and left his post as chairman of the Federation Council Committee for Foreign Affairs.

He resigned immediately after returning from his trip to Israel.

On October 27, 2014 Mikhail Margelov was appointed Vice President of Transneft, JSC. In the Company he is officially responsible for supervision of the foreign economic activity and public relations.

According to John Helmer, some people suspected that Margelov’s job for Transneft was “to work the back-channels with the US and the EU governments.”

The US departments of Treasure sanctions imposed on Transneft:

  1. OFAC also identified 20 subsidiaries that are owned 50 percent or more by the previously-designated AK Transneft OAO (Transneft), subject to Directive 2 under E.O. 13662, which prohibits U.S. persons from dealing in new debt of greater than 90 days maturity of the sanctioned entities.
  2. Margelov was placed on the sanctions list by Canada, but not by the US or EU.

Reading transcripts of Margelov’s meetings with the US officials, a few things need to be considered. First, it’s not immediately clear if he correctly assessing the situation, expressing his own opinion, front-running, by trying to please the Americans, or voicing back their demands.

Second, a remarkable difference in tone between Margelov, who is offering further  nuclear disarmament of Russia, and the Polish officials, who are, at the same time, pushing for deployment of nuclear arms and the large American army on the territory of Poland. While all of them serve the Deep State interests in using the American military to occupy the Eastern Europe in preparation for the war on Russia, the Polish officials, at least in words, act from the national interests of Poland.

Third, considering that Margelov was supervising Russia’s disastrous diplomatic failures in Libya and Iran at the time, this and other his briefings in the US Embassy demonstrate the inner working of the Deep State and interactions of the deep staters with each other.

Since his work for the Yeltsin’s election campaigns in the 90s, that went under “Yankees to the rescue!” slogan, Margelov has been a part of the Russia Liquidation team of the Communist party officials, former political part of the KGB, and their children.

After being removed from the government, he was placed to supervise Russia’s giant pipelines operator Transneft, owned by taxpayers. Since he arrived to his new position, the company caught fever of public scandals, and enormous losses of value.

NPT, Sudan

  1. (SBU) Summary: In an April 14 meeting with CODEL Levin, Russian Federation Council International Relations Committee Chair Mikhail Margelov said momentum on missile defense had been lost when the U.S. did not take up Russia on its offer on using the Gabala and Armavir radar stations, but stated that Russia’s military experts were ready to propose some “realistic options” for the creation of a joint missile defense shield. He described Russia’s suspension of the transfer of S-300 missiles to Iran as a “strong signal” to Teheran, but urged that the U.S. could make it stronger by responding positively to the Russian overture. Arguing that sanctions were ineffective, Margelov suggested that jointly developing a “Marshall Plan” to revive Afghanistan’s economy could serve as an example to Iran to seek Western integration, while reiterating Russia’s position that Iran could develop a civil nuclear program, as long as it accepted to “play by the IAEA’s rules.”

Margelov criticized the DPRK for “not understanding Russia and China’s charitable approach” in preventing a UN Security Council Resolution condemning the recent North Korean missile launch, and urged the U.S. to press China to share its intelligence on the DPRK’s nuclear weapons program. In order to improve U.S.-Russia relations. Margelov advocated for an intensified meeting schedule, the renewal of the START and Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaties, the reduction of anti-Russian tendencies in “New Europe,” and cooperation in Sudan and Somalia. End summary. –


Missile Defense


  1. (SBU) In an April 14 meeting with Russian Federation Council Internal Relations Committee Chair Mikhail Margelov, Senators Carl Levin (D-Mi) and Bill Nelson (D-Fl) noted the U.S. interest in cooperating with Russia on missile defense (MD), but cautioned Margelov that Bush administration commitments to the Czech Republic and Poland could not simply be laid aside.

Margelov responded that momentum on MD had been lost when the U.S. did not take Russia up on its offer to include the Gabala and Armavir radar stations in the MD effort. However, he said working together on MD was “a must,” and stated that Russia’s military experts were now ready to propose new options for a joint missile shield.


Iran nuclear program


  1. (SBU) Margelov underscored that Russia agreed with the U.S. on the substance of rejecting a nuclear-armed Iran, even though the GOR differed on the method of achieving that goal. He said Russia had made an important political decision to work with the U.S. when it sent the Iranian Defense Minister home without S-300 missiles, even though it was a defensive system. This had sent a strong signal to the U.S. Margelov confirmed that the suspension of the S-300 sale was “firm,” but said it could be firmer still if the U.S. made a positive response. Otherwise, it would be viewed in Moscow as another example of Russia “moving one step forward,” with no corresponding acknowledgment by Washington.
  2. (SBU) Noting articles reporting President Medvedev’s “surprise” at the progress of Iran’s nuclear program, as expressed to President Obama and Henry Kissinger, Senator Levin asked why the U.S. had to persuade Russia to adopt a stronger position in the UN even though Iran posed a greater threat to Russia, due to its proximity. Margelov responded that both Prime Minister Putin and Medvedev had repeatedly stated they “would not accept”, “not be happy with,” and “not allow” a nuclear-armed Iran, but argued that sanctions were ineffective.
  3. (SBU) Responding to Senator Nelson’s question how the U.S.-Russia cooperation could dissuade Iran from developing nuclear weapons, Margelov suggested that jointly solving the problems in Afghanistan and developing a “Marshall Plan” to revive that country’s economy could serve as an example to Iran to seek Western integration.
  4. (SBU) In reaction to Senator Nelson’s comment on President Obama’s possible acceptance of Iran’s civil nuclear program under the condition that international inspections could verify no weaponization was taking place, Margelov said it had been Russia’s policy for the past eight years that Iran could develop civil nuclear plants such as Bushehr, as long as it “played by the IAEA’s rules.”
  5. (SBU) Noting his background in oriental studies and recent trips

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to Egypt, Lebanon, and Qatar, Margelov said the Iraq war had deprived Iran of a counterbalance, allowing it to “do what it wanted to” with the Shia and even Hizbollah in the Middle East in its attempt to “dominate” the region. Iran was even actively supporting the Tashnak political party in Armenia. This, Margelov said, was seen by many in Russia as “an insult,” since Moscow considered Armenia to be “in Russia’s back yard.”


 DPRK Missile Launch


  1. (SBU) Margelov criticized the DPRK for “not understanding Russia and China’s charitable approach” in preventing a UN Security Council Resolution condemning the recent North Korean missile launch. Margelov said the missile launch was “more painful” for Russia due to its common border with the DPRK and memories of the last Taepo Dong launch, when the missile flew toward the coast of Russia.

Margelov agreed with Senator Levin’s assessment that North Korea took the international attention as a sign it could “manipulate us,” and suggested the GOR should request immediate consultations with all Six-Party members and press China to share its intelligence on where the DPRK was storing its suspected nuclear warheads. However, he stated the U.S. had more levers it could apply to China than Russia. Margelov considered the South Korean government “too scared” to play a significant role.


U.S.-Russia relations: post-START, Sudan


  1. (SBU) Margelov expressed “cautious optimism” that the change in administration in the U.S. would benefit “pragmatic” U.S.-Russia relations, and called for the development of a substantive bilateral agenda to back up the good intentions on each side. In this context he noted the upcoming visit of Senator Ben Nelson to Moscow to co-chair the next U.S.-Russian Federation Parliamentary Council meeting.

Margelov advocated for the speedy resumption of “2 plus 2” talks, and underscored the need to renew the START and Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaties. He urged the U.S. to work with the EU on convincing countries in “New Europe” that pro-Americanism was not equal to being anti-Russia, and commented that “while the Soviet Union made mistakes, if we always insist on recalling history, we will come to sad conclusions.” Noting his appointment as the GOR’s special representative for Sudan, Margelov suggested that the U.S. and Russia work together on “failed states and continents.” In addition to Sudan issues, he proposed developing a joint mechanism for maritime security to combat phenomena such as the piracy off the coast of Somalia, and suggested the U.S. and Russia should work together more on Africa issues, including Somalia generally, not just piracy.

  1. (U) Codel Levin cleared this cable.



2009 May 7, 05:17 (Thursday)
— Not Assigned —
— Not Assigned —
— Not Assigned —
TE – Telegram (cable)
— N/A or Blank —
— N/A or Blank —
— Not Assigned —
— Not Assigned —

Classified By: Ambassador Ashe for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). 1. (C)

SUMMARY: In meetings with CODEL Levin, the Polish Prime Minister’s chief of staff, the President’s deputy national security advisor, and the speaker of the Polish parliament expressed unanimous support for a large U.S. military footprint in Poland to bolster Article 5 guarantees. PM chief of staff Slawomir Nowak told CODEL that, regardless of the U.S. decision on Missile Defense, Poland expects the U.S. to “honor its commitments” to bring a Patriot battery to Poland. All three Polish officials requested that the U.S. keep Poland updated on the status of dialogue with Russia, suggesting that Russia, not Iran, poses the greater threat to Poland.

CODEL’s meeting with FM Sikorski is reported septel.


  1. (C) Senator Carl Levin (D-MI), Senator Bill Nelson (D-FL), and Senator Susan Collins (R-ME), visited Warsaw April 15-16 to discuss Missile Defense and Polish interest in a U.S. Patriot battery rotation with Polish officials, including Prime Minister Tusk’s chief of staff Slawomir Nowak, Deputy Chief of President Kaczynski’s National Security Bureau Witold Waszczykowski, and Parliamentary Speaker Bronislaw Komorowski (Civic Platform, PO). The Senators’ meetings with Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski and Deputy Defense Minister Stanislaw Komorowski are reported septel.


  1. (C) Senator Levin began all three meetings by conveying the President’s message that the U.S. commitment to the NATO Article 5 guarantee is “rock solid.” While U.S. support for Poland may differ in form under the Obama administration, U.S. support for Poland will be strong. When asked whether Warsaw felt assured that NATO would honor its Article 5 commitments to Poland, Waszczykowski said “we still have our doubts,” adding that some European members — particularly France — prefer talk to action, he wryly added “that’s why we bought F-16s and not French Mirages, and why we went through with the Missile Defense deal.”


  1. (C) Senator Levin warned all three interlocutors that if the Czechs reject the proposed MD radar site, the Polish component of MD would be put in jeopardy under current U.S. legislation. Nowak expressed confidence that the Czechs would ratify the agreement with the U.S., suggesting they are simply waiting for a U.S. decision on MD. Speaker Komorowski acknowledged the provisions of U.S. law, but stated Poland does not want to be responsible for Czech problems. Senator Collins acknowledged the political cost to Poland of supporting MD, and asked for Komorowski,s views on how to maintain support for the United States if it pursues a different course.
  2. (C) Asked whether Poland would be reassured by the presence of Patriot batteries in lieu of MD, Nowak told CODEL Levin that, regardless of MD’s fate, the GOP expects the USG to “honor its commitments” on Patriots. Poland intends to build a comprehensive air-defense system and has identified Patriots as “the most important element” of its defense modernization efforts. Nowak said Poland “will not suffer” if the U.S. withdraws from MD, but repeatedly asserted that the GOP is “counting on Patriots.” (NB: At one point, Nowak even intervened when his interpreter mistakenly said the Poles “would like Patriots.” “No, we are counting on them,” Nowak emphasized in English.)
  3. (C) Waszczykowski was less adamant about Patriots, stating that Poland and the U.S. had a binding political agreement on security matters, which he hoped the United States would respect. He added that Poland “wants U.S. boots on the ground” — not necessarily as a tripwire, but as a deterrent. Nowak similarly stressed Poland’s strong interest in “deepening” military cooperation, ideally to include a large U.S. footprint in Poland. He mused that one Patriot battery and ten MD interceptors do not constitute the “impressive presence” that Poland is hoping for.
  4. (C) Speaker Komorowski and Nowak both pointed out that, by agreeing to host the MD site, Poland had paid a “high price” — especially in its relations with other EU members and with Russia. Komorowski expressed concern that Poland had again become a Russian target after a dozen years of improving relations — senior Russian officials have threatened to target Poland with nuclear missiles, are stirring up

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anti-Polish sentiment among Russians, and are acting against Poland’s interests in Ukraine.

  1. (C) Komorowski argued that the U.S. needs to fulfill its symbolic agreement to show involvement in defense of Polish territory. If the new administration is changing U.S. political priorities, it also needs to engage in dialogue with Poland, not just Russia. Most important for Poland is U.S. involvement in Polish security, through physical presence of American forces in Poland, NATO facilities in Poland, fulfilling the commitment to provide Patriot missiles, and greater U.S.-Polish cooperation.


  1. (C) Komorowski, Nowak, and Waszczykowski stressed the importance of keeping Poland updated on the status of U.S.-Russia talks. Nowak stressed the GOP’s strong interest in a positive outcome, but reminded the CODEL that U.S. negotiators had promised the USG would overcome Russian objections to MD. “The MD site is an American base. The burden of achieving Russian agreement is on the U.S. side,” he said. Even so, Nowak said, Poland had agreed to accept confidence-building measures with the Russians and was also working to convince Moscow that MD is not a threat to Russia’s nuclear arsenal. Regardless, Russia will find it difficult to accept any “tangible manifestation” of a NATO presence in Poland or the Czech Republic.
  2. (C) Nowak said Poland had not discussed Patriots with the Russians. Russia should not have a say in Poland’s defense modernization planning. Noting that Poland’s armed forces are “defensive in nature,” Nowak reiterated that Poland’s primary goal is to increase interoperability with allies.
  3. (C) Presidential Advisor Waszczykowski reacted more emotionally. While Washington is entitled to talk to Russia, to work toward a solution to the Iranian threat, and to make its own decision about the MD initiative, the U.S. should take care not to undermine Poland’s security. He then wondered aloud, “How long will it take you to realize that nothing will change with Iran and Russia?” Waszczykowski asserted that Moscow is trying to regain its sphere of influence and stressed the critical importance of an increased U.S. or NATO presence for Poland’s security. He added that Russia continues to deny its historical wrong-doings against Poland, imposes economic sanctions against Poland at will, and frequently disrupts the flow of oil and gas.


  1. (C) In all three meetings, Senator Nelson expressed doubt that Iran would abandon its nuclear weapons or missile programs, but noted that the Iranian threat to Europe could be met for the foreseeable future with the AEGIS and THAAD systems. Waszczykowski, who served as Poland’s Ambassador to Tehran (1999-2002), agreed that Iran poses an increasing threat to the United States and Europe. He said that the Iranian regime has no incentive to warm relations with Washington because the regime has built its own legitimacy on the cornerstone of anti-Americanism.
  2. (C) Nowak and Komorowski told the CODEL that Poland does not perceive a direct threat from Iran. Nowak stated that, as an active and loyal ally, Poland had agreed to host the MD site because of the threat Iran poses to the U.S. and others in NATO. He noted that Poland’s desire to be a strong ally was also the basis for its activity in Iraq and Afghanistan. Nowak said Poland perceives a greater threat from non-state actors, but conceded that Iran’s support for terrorist organizations was troubling. He added that Poland’s decision to host MD had moved it “closer to the top of Iran’s list,” and, as a result, made Patriots more important to Poland’s security.
  3. (U) CODEL Levin has cleared this message.




Five years later, Carl Levin, a Democrat, represents Michigan in the Senate and a chairman of the Armed Services Committee and James Inhofe, a Republican, represents Oklahoma in the Senate and is the ranking minority member on the committee co-authored a short article for the Washington Post outlining reasons to arm a post-putsch authorities in Ukraine.

“We believe now is the time to add defensive military aid, including weapons” to stop the political and economic development of Russia.

 “That is a threat to U.S. interests. “

That’s why we organized an armed putsch that we call “the peaceful, democratic protests of the Ukrainian people that unseated a corrupt, Putin-friendly regime.”

We use this as a pretext to enlarge NATO troops in Eastern Europe, to provide millions in military aid to Ukraine to keep using the armed forces against its own civilian population, which is against the country’s constitution.

“And most important, we and our European partners have imposed biting economic sanctions that have damaged the Russian economy, plunging it toward recession..”

“U.S. military assistance can help promote a political solution by raising the costs of further aggression by Russia. Raising the costs will give Putin pause to allow political and economic pressure from outside and within Russia to force a political accommodation.”

Someone said recently that the World Trade buildings would had to be demolished due to asbestos, and the insurance wouldn’t cover the cost. If true, this alone would make a “war on terror” to be a Deep State real estate con.

In the “Cheap Dignity of the Ukrainian Revolution” a new Italian documentary, Georgian mercenaries confess in shooting the protesters and the Police during the Maidan revolt in Kiev, staged and backed by the US and NATO members. Which makes the Maidan to be a Deep State’s con to grab strategically vital for Europe Russia’s gas and oil pipelines going though Ukraine.   

Transneft is the monopoly gas and oil pipelines operator in Russia owned by the taxpayers. Mikhail Margelov still serves as its Vice President and the Member of the Board of Directors at Transneft AK OAO.

Carl Levin joined a Detroit law firm Honigman Miller Schwartz and Cohn.

He continues his crusade against Russia.

  • May 31, 2017 –Carl Levin wrote, “Congress must press forward with its Russia investigation,” for The Hill. Read article
  • March 16, 2017 –Carl Levin co-wrote with former U.S. Senator John Warner, “The Right Way to Investigate Russia’s Election Meddling,” for Politico Magazine. Read article
  • March 11, 2017 –Carl Levin was quoted by the Associated Press for its report, “Credibility of Congress’ Russia probes still in question.” Read article

In 2016, USS Carl M. Levin (DDG-120), an Arleigh Burke-class destroyer was named in his honor.

 To be continued…